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美國(guó)的國(guó)家債務(wù)總額已超過(guò)34萬(wàn)億美元

美國(guó)國(guó)家債務(wù)預(yù)計(jì)將在年底創(chuàng)下新紀(jì)錄,但兩黨都沒(méi)有提出可靠的計(jì)劃來(lái)解決這個(gè)問(wèn)題,。

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圖片來(lái)源:CHIP SOMODEVILLA—GETTY IMAGES

阿爾瓦羅·巴爾加斯·略薩(Alvaro Vargas Llosa)是位于加州奧克蘭的獨(dú)立研究所(Independent Institute)的高級(jí)研究員,。他的最新著作是《跨越全球:移民,、文明和美國(guó)》(Global Crossings: Immigration, Civilization and America),。

如果在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的幾十年里生活在美國(guó)的任何人預(yù)言該國(guó)政府如今加于自身的財(cái)政困境,,那么沒(méi)有人會(huì)買(mǎi)賬。

在美國(guó)歷史的大部分時(shí)間里,,直到20世紀(jì)70年代中期,,除了戰(zhàn)時(shí),每年的聯(lián)邦支出和收入基本保持平衡,。相比之下,,2023財(cái)年的聯(lián)邦赤字高達(dá)1.7萬(wàn)億美元,超過(guò)了墨西哥的經(jīng)濟(jì)總量(世界第12大經(jīng)濟(jì)體),。根據(jù)國(guó)會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室6月18日發(fā)布的最新預(yù)測(cè),,在本財(cái)年的前八個(gè)月,聯(lián)邦赤字再次超過(guò)1萬(wàn)億美元,,到2024財(cái)年結(jié)束時(shí),,這一數(shù)字將接近2萬(wàn)億美元。

這使得聯(lián)邦債務(wù)大幅增加,,目前總額已達(dá)34萬(wàn)億美元,,比美國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值(即美國(guó)3.3億居民一年生產(chǎn)的所有商品和服務(wù)的價(jià)值)高出約6萬(wàn)億美元。如果算上社會(huì)保障和醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)債務(wù),,債務(wù)總額是國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的數(shù)倍,。

其后果令人警醒,。政客們喜歡用委婉的說(shuō)法來(lái)描述他們正在做的事情。根據(jù)現(xiàn)在的說(shuō)法,,政府支出被稱(chēng)為“投資”,。然而,政府支出擠走了投資,,這就解釋了為什么相當(dāng)于國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值4.8%的私人投資比2000年低30%,。

與此同時(shí),反映聯(lián)邦政府財(cái)政狀況和美聯(lián)儲(chǔ)印鈔規(guī)模的美元購(gòu)買(mǎi)力也在下降:自2000年以來(lái)下降了50%以上,。

由于經(jīng)濟(jì)管理不善,,美國(guó)政府今年僅國(guó)債利息支出就將接近9000億美元。根據(jù)國(guó)會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室的預(yù)測(cè)(該預(yù)測(cè)假定在沒(méi)有大規(guī)模戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),、經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退,、金融危機(jī)的田園詩(shī)般的情景下),到2054年,,債務(wù)償還額將穩(wěn)步增至約5.3萬(wàn)億美元,。在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間,當(dāng)美國(guó)的儲(chǔ)蓄率為24%時(shí),,要維持債務(wù)占國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值106%的水平已經(jīng)很困難了,,因此,要在今天3%的儲(chǔ)蓄率下維持更高的負(fù)債水平,,簡(jiǎn)直難以想象,。

這場(chǎng)災(zāi)難由來(lái)已久。例如,,1993年,,年度赤字占國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的比重達(dá)到3.8%,債務(wù)“僅”為4.4萬(wàn)億美元(那時(shí)看來(lái)似乎是天文數(shù)字),,但以今天的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來(lái)看,,簡(jiǎn)直就是兒戲。

這一趨勢(shì)可以追溯到更早以前,。美國(guó)政府在近代的發(fā)展正是二戰(zhàn)后美國(guó)的故事,。德懷特·艾森豪威爾(Dwight Eisenhower)總統(tǒng)似乎是二戰(zhàn)后最后一任明白以下原則的總統(tǒng):福利國(guó)家、戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)國(guó)家,,以及采取減稅措施卻不以嚴(yán)厲削減開(kāi)支為后盾,,與財(cái)政上負(fù)責(zé)任的政府,或至少與合理規(guī)模的政府是不相容的,。他的前任哈里·杜魯門(mén)(Harry Truman)總統(tǒng)曾為朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)提供資金,,留給艾森豪威爾的聯(lián)邦開(kāi)支相當(dāng)于國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的18.5%。從那時(shí)起到現(xiàn)在,除了短暫的例外,,兩黨成倍地推高國(guó)防和國(guó)內(nèi)預(yù)算,。

林登·約翰遜(Lyndon Johnson)總統(tǒng)將支出占國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的比重推高到19.6%;理查德·尼克松(Richard Nixon)總統(tǒng)和杰拉爾德·福特(Gerald Ford)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到21.5%,;吉米·卡特(Jimmy Carter)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到21.8%,;喬治·W·布什(George W. Bush)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到21.9%;貝拉克·奧巴馬(Barack Obama)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到24.9%(之后又回落到21.9%),;唐納德·特朗普(Donald Trump)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到31.3%(在新冠肺炎疫情爆發(fā)期間),,喬·拜登(Joe Biden)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到31.7%,不過(guò)現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)回落到22%,。

1950年至1970年間,,債務(wù)總額(包括政府、家庭,、企業(yè)和金融)穩(wěn)定在國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的150%左右,。尼克松在1971年廢除了金本位制之后,債務(wù)開(kāi)始急劇上升,。自那以來(lái),,債務(wù)總額增長(zhǎng)了近5600%,是美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)率的兩倍多,。

曾經(jīng)有一段時(shí)間,,即使是在冷戰(zhàn)中期,盡管肩負(fù)著國(guó)際責(zé)任,,再加上“新政”和“偉大社會(huì)”遺留下來(lái)的繁重問(wèn)題無(wú)人敢于扭轉(zhuǎn),,但政府領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人還是明白遵守財(cái)政紀(jì)律和控制政府增長(zhǎng)的必要性。

從1947年到1966年,,有12年實(shí)現(xiàn)了預(yù)算平衡,,而其余時(shí)間的平均赤字率為0.07%,,幾乎可以忽略不計(jì),。相比之下,羅納德·里根(Ronald Reagan)總統(tǒng)和喬治·赫伯特·沃克·布什(George H. W. Bush)總統(tǒng)執(zhí)政的12年間(主要是敵對(duì)或部分?jǐn)硨?duì)的國(guó)會(huì)),,平均赤字率為4%,,原因是國(guó)防開(kāi)支增加,放棄國(guó)內(nèi)約束(這是約翰遜“維持生計(jì)”時(shí)期的遺留問(wèn)題,,尼克松·福特總統(tǒng)改變了他們之前支持的大部分經(jīng)濟(jì)原則)以及受阿瑟·拉弗(Arthur Laffer)的觀點(diǎn)(減稅不會(huì)導(dǎo)致政府稅收收益減少)影響的無(wú)資金支持的減稅政策,。艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)堅(jiān)持先削減開(kāi)支再減稅的紀(jì)律一去不復(fù)返了。

新千年的到來(lái)進(jìn)一步扭曲了情況,,從2002年到2023年的20年間,,年赤字率平均為5%,比名義經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)率(平均為4.2%)高出20%。奧巴馬總統(tǒng)執(zhí)政期間,,赤字是國(guó)會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室最初預(yù)測(cè)的兩倍,,他掀起了支出狂潮,特朗普總統(tǒng)和拜登總統(tǒng)則將其推向了新高度,。

現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)到了這一步,。除非新一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人有勇氣削減國(guó)防、教育,、司法和國(guó)土安全等“不容變動(dòng)”的預(yù)算,,并將社會(huì)保障計(jì)劃私有化(如同40多個(gè)國(guó)家的明智做法),否則,,目前的聯(lián)邦財(cái)政軌跡遲早會(huì)導(dǎo)致極其糟糕的局面,。如果你認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在情況很糟糕,那就等著瞧吧,。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

譯者:中慧言-王芳

阿爾瓦羅·巴爾加斯·略薩(Alvaro Vargas Llosa)是位于加州奧克蘭的獨(dú)立研究所(Independent Institute)的高級(jí)研究員,。他的最新著作是《跨越全球:移民、文明和美國(guó)》(Global Crossings: Immigration, Civilization and America),。

如果在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的幾十年里生活在美國(guó)的任何人預(yù)言該國(guó)政府如今加于自身的財(cái)政困境,,那么沒(méi)有人會(huì)買(mǎi)賬。

在美國(guó)歷史的大部分時(shí)間里,,直到20世紀(jì)70年代中期,,除了戰(zhàn)時(shí),每年的聯(lián)邦支出和收入基本保持平衡,。相比之下,,2023財(cái)年的聯(lián)邦赤字高達(dá)1.7萬(wàn)億美元,超過(guò)了墨西哥的經(jīng)濟(jì)總量(世界第12大經(jīng)濟(jì)體),。根據(jù)國(guó)會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室6月18日發(fā)布的最新預(yù)測(cè),,在本財(cái)年的前八個(gè)月,聯(lián)邦赤字再次超過(guò)1萬(wàn)億美元,,到2024財(cái)年結(jié)束時(shí),,這一數(shù)字將接近2萬(wàn)億美元。

這使得聯(lián)邦債務(wù)大幅增加,,目前總額已達(dá)34萬(wàn)億美元,,比美國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值(即美國(guó)3.3億居民一年生產(chǎn)的所有商品和服務(wù)的價(jià)值)高出約6萬(wàn)億美元。如果算上社會(huì)保障和醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)債務(wù),,債務(wù)總額是國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的數(shù)倍,。

其后果令人警醒。政客們喜歡用委婉的說(shuō)法來(lái)描述他們正在做的事情,。根據(jù)現(xiàn)在的說(shuō)法,,政府支出被稱(chēng)為“投資”,。然而,政府支出擠走了投資,,這就解釋了為什么相當(dāng)于國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值4.8%的私人投資比2000年低30%,。

與此同時(shí),反映聯(lián)邦政府財(cái)政狀況和美聯(lián)儲(chǔ)印鈔規(guī)模的美元購(gòu)買(mǎi)力也在下降:自2000年以來(lái)下降了50%以上,。

由于經(jīng)濟(jì)管理不善,,美國(guó)政府今年僅國(guó)債利息支出就將接近9000億美元。根據(jù)國(guó)會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室的預(yù)測(cè)(該預(yù)測(cè)假定在沒(méi)有大規(guī)模戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),、經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退,、金融危機(jī)的田園詩(shī)般的情景下),到2054年,,債務(wù)償還額將穩(wěn)步增至約5.3萬(wàn)億美元,。在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間,當(dāng)美國(guó)的儲(chǔ)蓄率為24%時(shí),,要維持債務(wù)占國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值106%的水平已經(jīng)很困難了,,因此,要在今天3%的儲(chǔ)蓄率下維持更高的負(fù)債水平,,簡(jiǎn)直難以想象,。

這場(chǎng)災(zāi)難由來(lái)已久。例如,,1993年,,年度赤字占國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的比重達(dá)到3.8%,債務(wù)“僅”為4.4萬(wàn)億美元(那時(shí)看來(lái)似乎是天文數(shù)字),,但以今天的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來(lái)看,,簡(jiǎn)直就是兒戲。

這一趨勢(shì)可以追溯到更早以前,。美國(guó)政府在近代的發(fā)展正是二戰(zhàn)后美國(guó)的故事,。德懷特·艾森豪威爾(Dwight Eisenhower)總統(tǒng)似乎是二戰(zhàn)后最后一任明白以下原則的總統(tǒng):福利國(guó)家、戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)國(guó)家,,以及采取減稅措施卻不以嚴(yán)厲削減開(kāi)支為后盾,,與財(cái)政上負(fù)責(zé)任的政府,或至少與合理規(guī)模的政府是不相容的,。他的前任哈里·杜魯門(mén)(Harry Truman)總統(tǒng)曾為朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)提供資金,,留給艾森豪威爾的聯(lián)邦開(kāi)支相當(dāng)于國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的18.5%。從那時(shí)起到現(xiàn)在,,除了短暫的例外,兩黨成倍地推高國(guó)防和國(guó)內(nèi)預(yù)算,。

林登·約翰遜(Lyndon Johnson)總統(tǒng)將支出占國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的比重推高到19.6%,;理查德·尼克松(Richard Nixon)總統(tǒng)和杰拉爾德·福特(Gerald Ford)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到21.5%;吉米·卡特(Jimmy Carter)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到21.8%;喬治·W·布什(George W. Bush)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到21.9%,;貝拉克·奧巴馬(Barack Obama)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到24.9%(之后又回落到21.9%),;唐納德·特朗普(Donald Trump)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到31.3%(在新冠肺炎疫情爆發(fā)期間),喬·拜登(Joe Biden)總統(tǒng)將這一比重推高到31.7%,,不過(guò)現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)回落到22%,。

1950年至1970年間,債務(wù)總額(包括政府,、家庭,、企業(yè)和金融)穩(wěn)定在國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的150%左右。尼克松在1971年廢除了金本位制之后,,債務(wù)開(kāi)始急劇上升,。自那以來(lái),債務(wù)總額增長(zhǎng)了近5600%,,是美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)率的兩倍多,。

曾經(jīng)有一段時(shí)間,即使是在冷戰(zhàn)中期,,盡管肩負(fù)著國(guó)際責(zé)任,,再加上“新政”和“偉大社會(huì)”遺留下來(lái)的繁重問(wèn)題無(wú)人敢于扭轉(zhuǎn),但政府領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人還是明白遵守財(cái)政紀(jì)律和控制政府增長(zhǎng)的必要性,。

從1947年到1966年,,有12年實(shí)現(xiàn)了預(yù)算平衡,而其余時(shí)間的平均赤字率為0.07%,,幾乎可以忽略不計(jì),。相比之下,羅納德·里根(Ronald Reagan)總統(tǒng)和喬治·赫伯特·沃克·布什(George H. W. Bush)總統(tǒng)執(zhí)政的12年間(主要是敵對(duì)或部分?jǐn)硨?duì)的國(guó)會(huì)),,平均赤字率為4%,,原因是國(guó)防開(kāi)支增加,放棄國(guó)內(nèi)約束(這是約翰遜“維持生計(jì)”時(shí)期的遺留問(wèn)題,,尼克松·福特總統(tǒng)改變了他們之前支持的大部分經(jīng)濟(jì)原則)以及受阿瑟·拉弗(Arthur Laffer)的觀點(diǎn)(減稅不會(huì)導(dǎo)致政府稅收收益減少)影響的無(wú)資金支持的減稅政策,。艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)堅(jiān)持先削減開(kāi)支再減稅的紀(jì)律一去不復(fù)返了。

新千年的到來(lái)進(jìn)一步扭曲了情況,,從2002年到2023年的20年間,,年赤字率平均為5%,比名義經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)率(平均為4.2%)高出20%,。奧巴馬總統(tǒng)執(zhí)政期間,,赤字是國(guó)會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室最初預(yù)測(cè)的兩倍,他掀起了支出狂潮,,特朗普總統(tǒng)和拜登總統(tǒng)則將其推向了新高度,。

現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)到了這一步,。除非新一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人有勇氣削減國(guó)防、教育,、司法和國(guó)土安全等“不容變動(dòng)”的預(yù)算,,并將社會(huì)保障計(jì)劃私有化(如同40多個(gè)國(guó)家的明智做法),否則,,目前的聯(lián)邦財(cái)政軌跡遲早會(huì)導(dǎo)致極其糟糕的局面,。如果你認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在情況很糟糕,那就等著瞧吧,。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

譯者:中慧言-王芳

Alvaro Vargas Llosa is a Senior Fellow of the Independent Institute, Oakland, Calif. His latest book is Global Crossings: Immigration, Civilization and America.

If anyone living in the United States in the decades immediately after the Second World War had predicted the self-inflicted financial mess the U.S. government now finds itself in, nobody would have taken that person seriously.

For most of American history, until the mid-1970s, annual federal spending and revenue were roughly in balance—the exceptions being in wartime. Contrast that with the federal deficit in fiscal year 2023, which topped $1.7 trillion, an amount larger than Mexico’s total economy (the 12th largest in the world). It exceeded $1 trillion again in the first eight months of the current fiscal year and, according to the Congressional Budget Office’s latest forecast, released on June 18, will approach $2 trillion by the end of fiscal 2024.

This has fueled a massive increase in the federal debt, which now totals $34 trillion, about $6 trillion more than America’s gross domestic product (GDP), the value of all the goods and services produced by America’s 330 million residents in a year. If we count Social Security and Medicare liabilities, total debt is several times larger than GDP.

The consequences are sobering. Politicians like to use euphemisms to describe what they’re doing. Government spending, in the current vernacular, is referred to as “investment.” Government spending, however, crowds out investment, which explains why private investment, the equivalent of 4.8% of GDP, is 30% lower than in 2000.

At the same time, the purchasing power of the U.S. dollar, a reflection of both the federal government’s finances and the Federal Reserve’s money printing, also is down: by more than 50% since 2000.

As a result of this economic mismanagement, the U.S. government will pay close to $900 billion this year just in interest payments on the national debt—and, according to Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projections, which assume an idyllic scenario of no major wars, no recessions, and no financial crises, debt service will steadily increase to some $5.3 trillion by 2054. It was hard enough sustaining a debt that stood at 106% of GDP during WWII, when the country’s savings rate was 24%, but sustaining a much higher level of indebtedness with today’s 3% savings rate defies the imagination.

This catastrophe has been a long time in the making. In 1993, for instance, the annual deficit amounted to 3.8% of GDP, and the debt, which seemed astronomically high at a “mere” $4.4 trillion, was Lilliputian by today’s standards.

The trend goes back longer than that. The growth of the U.S. government in modern times is the story of post-WWII America. President Dwight Eisenhower seems to have been the last guy in the post-WWII era who understood that the welfare state, the warfare state, and tax cuts not backed by tough spending cuts are incompatible with fiscally responsible government, or at least with reasonably-sized government. His predecessor, Harry Truman, who had funded the Korean War effort, left Eisenhower a level of federal spending equivalent to 18.5% of GDP. Between then and now, both parties, with short-lived exceptions, have pushed both the defense and domestic budgets exponentially higher.

Lyndon Johnson took spending to 19.6% of GDP; Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford to 21.5%; Jimmy Carter to 21.8%; George W. Bush to 21.9%; Barack Obama to 24.9% (before bringing it back to 21.9%); Donald Trump to 31.3% (during the COVID-19 meltdown), and Joe Biden to 31.7%, although now it has come down to 22%.

Between 1950 and 1970, total debt (including government, household, corporate, and financial) was stable at about 150% of GDP. After Nixon did away with what was left of the gold standard in 1971, it was off to the races. Since then, total debt has grown by nearly 5,600%, more than double the U.S. economic growth rate.

There was a time, even in the middle of the Cold War, when government leaders, despite their international responsibilities and the onerous legacy of the New Deal and Great Society that nobody dared reverse, understood the need for fiscal discipline and containing the growth of government.

Between 1947 and 1966, the budget was balanced in 12 years, while the rest of the time there was a negligible average deficit of 0.07%. Contrast that with the 12 years under Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush (mostly with a hostile or partly hostile Congress), which averaged a 4% deficit due to defense spending increases, abandonment of domestic restraint—a legacy of Johnson’s “bread and butter” years and the Nixon-Ford presidencies’ about-face on most of the economic principles they previously had espoused—and the unfunded tax cuts influenced by Arthur Laffer’s notion that tax cuts would pay for themselves. Gone was Eisenhower’s discipline, who insisted on slashing spending before he cut taxes.

The new millennium distorted matters even further, with the annual deficit from 2002 to 2023 averaging 5% over the two decades, 20% higher than nominal economic growth, which averaged 4.2%. President Obama, under whom the deficit was double the Congressional Budget Office’s original projections, got the spending spree started, with Presidents Trump and Biden taking it to new levels.

It’s now come down to this. Unless a new generation of leaders has the courage to cut such “untouchables” as the defense, education, justice, and homeland security budgets, and privatize the Social Security program (as more than 40 countries wisely have done), sooner or later, the current trajectory of federal finances will lead to an extremely ugly place. If you think things are bad now, just wait.

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