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英國(guó)脫歐為什么這么費(fèi)勁,?這一產(chǎn)業(yè)影響巨大

Jeremy Kahn
2020-10-19

在歐盟與英國(guó)有關(guān)英國(guó)脫歐之后的貿(mào)易協(xié)議進(jìn)行的談判中,,捕魚權(quán)成為了一個(gè)關(guān)鍵問題,。

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兩周前,英國(guó)首席貿(mào)易談判代表戴維?弗羅斯特對(duì)英國(guó)議會(huì)表示,,國(guó)家對(duì)企業(yè)的支持問題一直是英國(guó)與歐盟貿(mào)易談判的主要障礙,,在英國(guó)政府表示準(zhǔn)備在這個(gè)問題上做出讓步之后,剩下的最大障礙可能就是捕魚業(yè),。

英國(guó)首相鮑里斯?約翰遜曾經(jīng)威脅,,如果10月15日在布魯塞爾召開的歐盟英國(guó)脫歐峰會(huì)上,,他認(rèn)為雙方無法達(dá)成協(xié)議,他將徹底退出貿(mào)易談判,。

歐盟英國(guó)脫歐首席談判代表米歇爾?巴尼耶則在力勸歐洲尤其是法國(guó)和比利時(shí)的政治人物,,在2021年1月1日英國(guó)脫歐的過渡期期滿之后,適度降低他們對(duì)于進(jìn)入英國(guó)水域的要求,。

但到目前為止,,巴尼耶的請(qǐng)求似乎遭到了拒絕。法國(guó)歐洲事務(wù)部長(zhǎng)克萊門特?伯恩在上周表示,,法國(guó)“不會(huì)接受糟糕的協(xié)議,,尤其是對(duì)捕魚業(yè)不利的糟糕協(xié)議。我們?cè)跐O業(yè)問題上不會(huì)軟弱,,這一點(diǎn)非常明確,。”比利時(shí)稱,,1666年英格蘭國(guó)王查爾斯二世授權(quán)比利時(shí)漁民在英國(guó)水域捕魚,。

漁業(yè)的經(jīng)濟(jì)價(jià)值不大

漁業(yè)在英國(guó)和歐盟經(jīng)濟(jì)中所占的比例都微乎其微,在英國(guó),,漁業(yè)僅占總增加值的0.1%,,僅創(chuàng)造了約0.05%的就業(yè),而漁業(yè)在歐盟所占的比例更小,。那么漁業(yè)為什么會(huì)成為可能阻礙貿(mào)易協(xié)議的問題,?

一個(gè)原因是,這個(gè)問題對(duì)雙方具有極高的情感意義和象征意義,。雖然漁業(yè)在經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)中所占的比例極小,,并且其比重在不斷下降,但漁民依舊與英國(guó)的民族認(rèn)同感密切相關(guān),。

捕魚權(quán)是英國(guó)脫歐的擁護(hù)者們關(guān)注的主要領(lǐng)域之一,,當(dāng)時(shí)他們表示希望從布魯塞爾“奪回控制權(quán)”。英國(guó)的漁民是支持英國(guó)脫歐的選民中聲量最高的群體之一,。所以,,作為推動(dòng)英國(guó)脫歐的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者之一,英國(guó)首相約翰遜對(duì)于指責(zé)他要拋棄漁民的聲音非常敏感,。

此外,,“歐洲變革中的英國(guó)”(U.K. in a Changing Europe)智庫(kù)的分析師馬特?貝文頓表示,,約翰遜可能把捕魚權(quán)視為英國(guó)可能獲得“勝利”的少數(shù)幾個(gè)領(lǐng)域之一,,然后政府可以將其宣揚(yáng)為英國(guó)脫歐成功的證據(jù)。該智庫(kù)隸屬于倫敦國(guó)王學(xué)院(King’s College London),。

與此同時(shí),,雖然漁業(yè)僅占法國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)總量的0.06%,,但漁業(yè)對(duì)于布列塔尼大區(qū)和加來周邊地區(qū)的許多城市非常重要,這些地區(qū)可能是現(xiàn)任總統(tǒng)埃曼努爾?馬克龍?jiān)?022年法國(guó)總統(tǒng)大選中的重要戰(zhàn)場(chǎng),。

英國(guó)水域?qū)τ谶@些地區(qū)的漁民非常關(guān)鍵,。法國(guó)在北大西洋的捕魚量,三分之一來自英國(guó)水域,。丹麥,、比利時(shí)、荷蘭,、愛爾蘭和德國(guó)漁民的相關(guān)比例更高,。如果歐盟漁民被完全禁止在英國(guó)水域捕魚,他們可能會(huì)難以為繼,。

但貝文頓指出,,英國(guó)漁業(yè)尤其是鯖魚和鯡魚等市場(chǎng),也高度依賴歐盟市場(chǎng),。鯖魚和鯡魚這兩種魚在運(yùn)至英國(guó)港口的所有魚類中占一半左右,,但英國(guó)消費(fèi)者幾乎不吃這兩種魚。英國(guó)三分之二的鯖魚和大部分鯡魚都被出口到歐盟,。如果雙方無法達(dá)成貿(mào)易協(xié)議,,這兩種魚將被加征15%的關(guān)稅。

天哪,!

但不止英國(guó)要擔(dān)心這些關(guān)稅的影響,。關(guān)稅的大部分影響會(huì)落到歐盟消費(fèi)者頭上,因?yàn)橛?guó)水域捕撈的魚類,,很多都變成了歐盟消費(fèi)者的盤中餐,。

貝文頓表示,基于這種關(guān)系的存在,,雙方之間應(yīng)該有很多妥協(xié)的空間,。但他說,在整個(gè)貿(mào)易談判的交鋒過程中,,策略和政治上的考慮,,導(dǎo)致任何一方在最后一刻之前很難主動(dòng)讓步。

貝文頓說:“英國(guó)很清楚雖然它在其他領(lǐng)域不占優(yōu)勢(shì),,但在漁業(yè)問題上卻處在強(qiáng)勢(shì)的地位,,所以英國(guó)希望把漁業(yè)留在最后,作為其他領(lǐng)域談判的籌碼,?!?/p>

但正如法國(guó)歐盟事務(wù)部長(zhǎng)伯恩所說,這種策略可能會(huì)事與愿違。他告訴法國(guó)報(bào)紙《世界報(bào)》(Le Monde):“英國(guó)想要奪回他們的水域,,他們認(rèn)為這會(huì)讓他們有談判的籌碼,。但他們忘了,關(guān)于雙方正在談判的所有問題,,英國(guó)的索取遠(yuǎn)多于付出,。”他還重申,,法國(guó)“不會(huì)犧牲”漁民的利益,,用于換取貿(mào)易協(xié)議。

到目前為止,,歐盟展現(xiàn)出一種絕對(duì)主義者的立場(chǎng),,根據(jù)歐盟共同漁業(yè)政策要求繼續(xù)允許歐盟漁船在英國(guó)水域捕魚。歐盟共同漁業(yè)政策主要按照各國(guó)在整個(gè)歐盟領(lǐng)海內(nèi)的歷史捕撈量,,分配可捕撈配額,。英國(guó)則表示要遵守“區(qū)域附屬”原則,依舊允許外國(guó)船只在其水域作業(yè),,但會(huì)根據(jù)特定海域內(nèi)發(fā)現(xiàn)的每種魚類的實(shí)際數(shù)量分配捕撈配額,。

貝文頓認(rèn)為歐盟最終會(huì)讓步。他說:“肯定要有一方讓步,。歐盟的要求不現(xiàn)實(shí),,而且區(qū)域附屬原則依舊會(huì)給與歐盟一定的配額。所以,,雙方有談判的空間,,關(guān)鍵就在于具體的條件?!?/p>

但他提醒說,,歐盟對(duì)英國(guó)缺乏信任,而且在任何外交博弈當(dāng)中,,雙方等待太長(zhǎng)時(shí)間很可能導(dǎo)致整個(gè)貿(mào)易協(xié)議失敗,,這種風(fēng)險(xiǎn)始終存在。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

翻譯:劉進(jìn)龍

審校:汪皓

兩周前,,英國(guó)首席貿(mào)易談判代表戴維?弗羅斯特對(duì)英國(guó)議會(huì)表示,,國(guó)家對(duì)企業(yè)的支持問題一直是英國(guó)與歐盟貿(mào)易談判的主要障礙,在英國(guó)政府表示準(zhǔn)備在這個(gè)問題上做出讓步之后,,剩下的最大障礙可能就是捕魚業(yè),。

英國(guó)首相鮑里斯?約翰遜曾經(jīng)威脅,如果10月15日在布魯塞爾召開的歐盟英國(guó)脫歐峰會(huì)上,,他認(rèn)為雙方無法達(dá)成協(xié)議,,他將徹底退出貿(mào)易談判,。

歐盟英國(guó)脫歐首席談判代表米歇爾?巴尼耶則在力勸歐洲尤其是法國(guó)和比利時(shí)的政治人物,在2021年1月1日英國(guó)脫歐的過渡期期滿之后,,適度降低他們對(duì)于進(jìn)入英國(guó)水域的要求,。

但到目前為止,,巴尼耶的請(qǐng)求似乎遭到了拒絕,。法國(guó)歐洲事務(wù)部長(zhǎng)克萊門特?伯恩在上周表示,法國(guó)“不會(huì)接受糟糕的協(xié)議,,尤其是對(duì)捕魚業(yè)不利的糟糕協(xié)議,。我們?cè)跐O業(yè)問題上不會(huì)軟弱,這一點(diǎn)非常明確,?!北壤麜r(shí)稱,1666年英格蘭國(guó)王查爾斯二世授權(quán)比利時(shí)漁民在英國(guó)水域捕魚,。

漁業(yè)的經(jīng)濟(jì)價(jià)值不大

漁業(yè)在英國(guó)和歐盟經(jīng)濟(jì)中所占的比例都微乎其微,,在英國(guó),漁業(yè)僅占總增加值的0.1%,,僅創(chuàng)造了約0.05%的就業(yè),,而漁業(yè)在歐盟所占的比例更小。那么漁業(yè)為什么會(huì)成為可能阻礙貿(mào)易協(xié)議的問題,?

一個(gè)原因是,,這個(gè)問題對(duì)雙方具有極高的情感意義和象征意義。雖然漁業(yè)在經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)中所占的比例極小,,并且其比重在不斷下降,,但漁民依舊與英國(guó)的民族認(rèn)同感密切相關(guān)。

捕魚權(quán)是英國(guó)脫歐的擁護(hù)者們關(guān)注的主要領(lǐng)域之一,,當(dāng)時(shí)他們表示希望從布魯塞爾“奪回控制權(quán)”,。英國(guó)的漁民是支持英國(guó)脫歐的選民中聲量最高的群體之一。所以,,作為推動(dòng)英國(guó)脫歐的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者之一,,英國(guó)首相約翰遜對(duì)于指責(zé)他要拋棄漁民的聲音非常敏感。

此外,,“歐洲變革中的英國(guó)”(U.K. in a Changing Europe)智庫(kù)的分析師馬特?貝文頓表示,,約翰遜可能把捕魚權(quán)視為英國(guó)可能獲得“勝利”的少數(shù)幾個(gè)領(lǐng)域之一,然后政府可以將其宣揚(yáng)為英國(guó)脫歐成功的證據(jù),。該智庫(kù)隸屬于倫敦國(guó)王學(xué)院(King’s College London),。

與此同時(shí),雖然漁業(yè)僅占法國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)總量的0.06%,,但漁業(yè)對(duì)于布列塔尼大區(qū)和加來周邊地區(qū)的許多城市非常重要,,這些地區(qū)可能是現(xiàn)任總統(tǒng)埃曼努爾?馬克龍?jiān)?022年法國(guó)總統(tǒng)大選中的重要戰(zhàn)場(chǎng),。

英國(guó)水域?qū)τ谶@些地區(qū)的漁民非常關(guān)鍵。法國(guó)在北大西洋的捕魚量,,三分之一來自英國(guó)水域,。丹麥、比利時(shí),、荷蘭,、愛爾蘭和德國(guó)漁民的相關(guān)比例更高。如果歐盟漁民被完全禁止在英國(guó)水域捕魚,,他們可能會(huì)難以為繼,。

但貝文頓指出,英國(guó)漁業(yè)尤其是鯖魚和鯡魚等市場(chǎng),,也高度依賴歐盟市場(chǎng),。鯖魚和鯡魚這兩種魚在運(yùn)至英國(guó)港口的所有魚類中占一半左右,但英國(guó)消費(fèi)者幾乎不吃這兩種魚,。英國(guó)三分之二的鯖魚和大部分鯡魚都被出口到歐盟,。如果雙方無法達(dá)成貿(mào)易協(xié)議,這兩種魚將被加征15%的關(guān)稅,。

天哪,!

但不止英國(guó)要擔(dān)心這些關(guān)稅的影響。關(guān)稅的大部分影響會(huì)落到歐盟消費(fèi)者頭上,,因?yàn)橛?guó)水域捕撈的魚類,,很多都變成了歐盟消費(fèi)者的盤中餐。

貝文頓表示,,基于這種關(guān)系的存在,,雙方之間應(yīng)該有很多妥協(xié)的空間。但他說,,在整個(gè)貿(mào)易談判的交鋒過程中,,策略和政治上的考慮,導(dǎo)致任何一方在最后一刻之前很難主動(dòng)讓步,。

貝文頓說:“英國(guó)很清楚雖然它在其他領(lǐng)域不占優(yōu)勢(shì),,但在漁業(yè)問題上卻處在強(qiáng)勢(shì)的地位,所以英國(guó)希望把漁業(yè)留在最后,,作為其他領(lǐng)域談判的籌碼,。”

但正如法國(guó)歐盟事務(wù)部長(zhǎng)伯恩所說,,這種策略可能會(huì)事與愿違,。他告訴法國(guó)報(bào)紙《世界報(bào)》(Le Monde):“英國(guó)想要奪回他們的水域,他們認(rèn)為這會(huì)讓他們有談判的籌碼,。但他們忘了,,關(guān)于雙方正在談判的所有問題,,英國(guó)的索取遠(yuǎn)多于付出?!彼€重申,,法國(guó)“不會(huì)犧牲”漁民的利益,用于換取貿(mào)易協(xié)議,。

到目前為止,,歐盟展現(xiàn)出一種絕對(duì)主義者的立場(chǎng),根據(jù)歐盟共同漁業(yè)政策要求繼續(xù)允許歐盟漁船在英國(guó)水域捕魚,。歐盟共同漁業(yè)政策主要按照各國(guó)在整個(gè)歐盟領(lǐng)海內(nèi)的歷史捕撈量,,分配可捕撈配額,。英國(guó)則表示要遵守“區(qū)域附屬”原則,,依舊允許外國(guó)船只在其水域作業(yè),但會(huì)根據(jù)特定海域內(nèi)發(fā)現(xiàn)的每種魚類的實(shí)際數(shù)量分配捕撈配額,。

貝文頓認(rèn)為歐盟最終會(huì)讓步,。他說:“肯定要有一方讓步。歐盟的要求不現(xiàn)實(shí),,而且區(qū)域附屬原則依舊會(huì)給與歐盟一定的配額,。所以,雙方有談判的空間,,關(guān)鍵就在于具體的條件,。”

但他提醒說,,歐盟對(duì)英國(guó)缺乏信任,,而且在任何外交博弈當(dāng)中,雙方等待太長(zhǎng)時(shí)間很可能導(dǎo)致整個(gè)貿(mào)易協(xié)議失敗,,這種風(fēng)險(xiǎn)始終存在,。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

翻譯:劉進(jìn)龍

審校:汪皓

Twot weeks ago, David Frost, the chief U.K. trade negotiator, told the British Parliament that fishing was perhaps the biggest impediment remaining to an agreement after the U.K. signaled it was prepared to give ground on the issue of state support for businesses, which had been another major stumbling block.

Boris Johnson, the British Prime Minister, has threatened to quit the trade negotiations completely if a deal is not in sight at a crucial EU Brexit summit taking place in Brussels on October 15.

The EU’s chief Brexit negotiator Michel Barnier, for his part, has tried to urge European politicians, particularly in France and Belgium, to moderate their demands for access to British waters after the end of the Brexit transition period on Jan. 1.

But so far, Barnier’s pleas seem to be falling on deaf ears. France’s Europe minister, Clément Beaune, said last week that France “will not accept a bad deal and a bad deal in fisheries in particular. We will have no weakness on this issue of fisheries, that is clear.” Belgium said some of its fishermen had been granted rights to fish in British waters by King Charles II of England as far back as 1666.

A drop in the bucket

Fishing represents a minuscule portion of both the U.K. and EU economy—just 0.1% of gross value added and about 0.05% of jobs for Britain and even smaller fractions for the EU. So how did fishing become the issue that might scuttle a trade deal?

One is that the issue is highly emotive and symbolic for both sides. While it represents a tiny and declining portion of economic activity, fishermen are still closely associated with English identity.

Fishing rights were one of the principal areas that Brexit campaigners pointed to when they said they wanted to “take back control” from Brussels. English fishermen made up one of the most vocal blocks of Brexit voters too. So Johnson, who was one of the leaders of the drive to get the U.K. out of the EU, is sensitive to claims that he’s now abandoning fishermen.

In addition, Johnson may see fishing rights as one of the few areas where the U.K. might be able to score a “win” that the government can then tout as evidence of Brexit’s success, says Matt Bevington, an analyst with the think tank U.K. in a Changing Europe, which is affiliated with King’s College London.

Meanwhile, while fishing represents just 0.06% of the French economy overall, the industry is important to some cities in Brittany and the region around Calais that are likely to be important battlegrounds for French President Emmanuel Macron in the 2022 presidential election.

And access to British waters is crucial for fishermen in those regions. A third of France’s entire North Atlantic catch comes from U.K. waters. The percentage is even greater for fishermen from Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands, Ireland, and Germany. If they were to lose access entirely, many of these EU fishermen would struggle to stay in business.

But Bevington points out that the U.K. fishing industry, particularly the market for species such as mackerel and herring, is heavily dependent on market access to the EU too. Just two species—herring and mackerel—account for about half of all fish landed in British ports, and yet U.K. consumers hardly eat them. Two-thirds of British mackerel and most of its herring catch is exported to the EU. In the absence of a deal, these fish would be hit with an additional 15% tariff.

Holy mackerel!

And it is not just the U.K. that needs to worry about the effect of these tariffs. Much of the pain of them is likely to be borne by EU consumers, who eat a lot of the fish caught in British waters.

Given this dynamic, Bevington says, there ought to be plenty of room for compromise. But, he says, within the dynamics of the overall trade negotiations, tactical and political considerations make it difficult for either side to offer concessions—until the very last minute.

“The U.K. knows it is in a strong position when it comes to fish, which it is not in other areas, so it wants to leave fish for last to exert leverage in other areas,” he says.

The tactic, though, risks backfiring, as French EU minister Beaune points out. “The British want their waters back, and they believe this gives them leverage,” he told French newspaper Le Monde. “But they forget that for everything else they are negotiating; they have a lot more to ask than to offer.” He also reiterated that France would “not sacrifice” the interests of its fishermen for the sake of a deal.

So far, the EU has staked out an absolutist position, demanding continued access to U.K. waters for its fishing fleet on the basis of the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy, which set quotas largely based on each country’s historical catch totals from the entirety of EU territorial waters. The U.K. says it wants to move to a system of “zonal attachment,” where foreign fleets would still have some access, but with quotas based on the actual stocks of each species found in a particular part of the sea.

Bevington says he thinks the EU will eventually blink. “There is going to have be movement,” he said. “The EU is unrealistic, and the zonal attachment would still give the EU a quota. So there is room for movement, and it is just a matter of where they land.”

But he cautions the EU is distrustful of the U.K., and as in any game of diplomatic chicken, there is always a risk that the two sides will wait too long, resulting in the failure of the entire trade deal.

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